Tag Archives: Tajikistan

Kyrgyzstan evacuates residents near border with Tajikistan

JAN. 10 2020 (The Bulletin) — The authorities in southern Kyrgyzstan temporarily evacuated people living in the village of Kok-Tash because of a series of attacks on the border town that they blame on Tajiks, media reported. Clashes in Kok-Tash, which included gunfire, last month hospitalised several people. Tension between Tajiks and Kyrgyz have been rising.

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— This story was first published in issue 433 of the weekly Bulletin on Jan. 13 2020

— Copyright owned by the Central Asia & South Caucasus Bulletin

Tajikistan approves Western Union for money transfer services

DEC. 27 2019 (The Bulletin) — Tajikistan’s Central Bank said that money transfer provider Western Union had been approved for transactions to and from the country. At the start of the month, the Central Bank took control of the wire transfer sorting system and said that it had blocked the two most-used systems, Western Union and Golden Crown. Golden Crown, by far the most popular money transfer service, has still not been approved as a service provider.
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— This story was first published in issue 432 of the weekly Bulletin on Dec. 27 2019

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Fighting injures four people near Batken, Kyrgyzstan

DEC. 18 2019 (The Bulletin) — At least four people have been injured in fighting near the town of Batken in south Kyrgyzstan between ethnic Kyrgyz and Tajiks, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty reported. A video, reportedly taken at Batken, showed people running through the streets of a village from what sounds like gunfire. There have been several fights this year between Kyrgyz and Tajiks around Batken.
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— This story was first published in issue 432 of the weekly Bulletin on Dec. 27 2019

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China eyes up $545m investment into Tajikistan’s Talco

DUSHANBE/Dec. 4 (The Bulletin) –China is lining up a $545m investment to buy a stake in the Talco aluminium smelter, Tajikistan’s biggest industrial unit.

Yue Bin, China’s former ambassador to Tajikistan, told the Tajik language version of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty that the investment, announced earlier this year, would be paid for by China Machinery Engineering Corporation (CMEC) to help modernise the Soviet-era plant.

“In my opinion, the joint venture will benefit both parties, both in terms of creating new jobs, and in terms of increasing production capacity and volume of production, sales of products and, ultimately, tax revenues to the state budget of Tajikistan,” he was quoted as saying.

Talco has not comment, neither has the Chinese government nor the Tajik government but in November Talco was converted into a joint stock company, which should make it easier to sell stakes in. This year it was announced that China would invest $545m into Talco to modernise the Soviet-era factory, although it wasn’t explained at the time how this investment would be paid for.

The potential deal highlights what many analysts have described as an economic takeover of Tajikistan by China. In return for political influence, China has given Tajikistan cheap loans to build new roads and tunnels, construct cement factories and beautify Dushanbe. Chinese companies now own various mining rights in Tajikistan and earlier this year reports surfaced that it had built a military base in the Pamir Mountains.

The ownership structure of Talco if opaque. Officially it is owned by the Tajik government although there are close links to the presidential family. Talco also has a management company based in the BVI.
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— This story was first published in issue 431 of the weekly Bulletin on Dec. 9 2019

Copyright owned by the Central Asia & South Caucasus Bulletin

Tajikistan blocks major Russian remittance services

DUSHANBE/Dec. 4 (The Bulletin) –Tajikistan’s Central Bank blocked Koronapay and Western Union, two of the most popular money transfer services with Tajiks working in Russia, from sending cash into the country and instead insisted that people use two smaller services.

Earlier this year, the Tajik Central Bank took over control of the country’s transfer sorting system with, it now appears, the aim of controlling which services migrant workers use to send their cash home.

In a terse statement, the Tajik Central Bank said that it was only processing payments from the Unistream and Contact wire transfer systems.

“In future credit organisations will not consider the 9-digit code of the payment system Golden Crown,” it said.

Golden Crown is the brand name used by Koronapay which had sent an estimated 80% of Tajikistan’s remittances from Russia.

The following day the Central Bank published photos of a meeting with Unistream’s chief Kirill Palchun and said that commissions on wire transfers had been reduced from 1.5% to 0.99%.
Both Unistream and Contact are Russian money transfer systems but are far smaller than Western Union and Koronapay.

Analysts have said that the Tajik government may have wanted to take control of the wire transfer system because it is a lucrative cash generator. Tajiks working in Russia contribute up to half of the country’s GDP.

The Tajik Central Bank has previously said that it had taken over the transfer sorting system to protect customers from theft and corruption.

It also defended its decision to strip Koronapay and Western Union of permission to send cash from Russia because they had failed to comply with new legislation.
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— This story was first published in issue 431 of the weekly Bulletin on Dec. 9 2019

Copyright owned by the Central Asia & South Caucasus Bulletin

Comment: The CSTO has always lacked relevance

Other than spreading Russian influence, the CSTO is a military alliance lacking a clear mission. Opportunities to impose itself and carve out an identity have been missed, writes James Kilner.

NOV. 29 (The Bulletin) — For a military organisation that can pull together regular summits which include Russian President Vladimir Putin, the CSTO is oddly anaemic. On Nov. 28, the heads of states of the six members of the CSTO met in Bishkek for a summit that was only vaguely relevant.

This is a military organisation led by Russia which has dodged intervention on its doorstep and inside its borders. It currently doesn’t even have a permanent Secretary-General to lead it.

The CSTO, or to give it its full name the Collective Security Treaty Organisation, emerged from the ashes of the Soviet Union as something of a Warsaw Pact light, very light. It was supposed to impose a military pact over the rump of the Soviet Union that wasn’t looking West and to NATO. But its origins and ambitions have always been confused.

A CIS military grouping was formed after the Tashkent Pact of 1992, with Russia, Armenia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan, Belarus, and Georgia as members. When it came to be renewed in 1999, though, Georgia, Azerbaijan and Uzbekistan declined. This meant that when the CSTO was finally created in 2002 there were also only six members and it was dominated by Russia.

Recent inaction by the CSTO has also undermined its cause. The CSTO stood by in 2010 when fighting between ethnic Kyrgyz and ethnic Uzbeks in Osh, southern Kyrgyzstan, killed several hundred people and forced thousands of ethnic Uzbek to flee. Often too, as in Ukraine and Georgia, Russia is a belligerent, or backs a belligerent, in a conflict, forcing CSTO peacekeeping missions off the table.

Even when there is cooperation within the CSTO, it is couched as bilateral. Armenia has sent 100 deminers and doctors to support Russian rebuilding in Syria but other countries declined and the deal is considered to be between Russia and Armenia directly.

Of course, it doesn’t help that since the start of this year, the CSTO has been without a Secretary-General. Yuri Khachaturov, the Armenian former CSTO Secretary-General, is currently standing trial for “subverting the constitution” in Yerevan in 2008 when police killed at least 14 protesters. Members of the CSTO haven’t been able to agree on a replacement.

The CSTO holds value to Russia for helping it to spread political influence and to sell its military products, but as a militarily operational group it is largely irrelevant.

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— This story was first published in issue 430 of the weekly Bulletin.

7 soldiers, not 2, killed in IS attack -security source

NOV. 26 (The Bulletin) — At least seven, and not two, guards were killed in an attack on a checkpoint around 40km outside Dushanbe, the RFE/RL website reported by quoting sources inside the security services. This is different from the numbers given out by the Tajik National Security Committee which said that 15 attackers and two guards were killed in the attack on Nov. 6. The extremist group IS claimed the attack.
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— This story was first published in issue 430 of the weekly Bulletin.

Comment: Was it really an IS attack in Tajikistan?

— The Tajik government blamed IS for an attack near Dushanbe on Nov. 6 and two days later the extremist group took responsibility but there are still plenty of questions, writes James Kilner

A few hours after an attack on a military checkpoint around 60km west of Dushanbe, there were notably more armed police on the streets of the Tajik capital. Earlier a roads that runs through opulent gardens outside the Presidential Palace had been eerily quiet. There were also fire-engines, military and civilian, parked down side streets. They hadn’t been there the day before.

Surely the extra armed police, the fire-engines and the empty street leading past the Presidential Palace were linked to the attack, blamed on the extremist group IS, that had killed 17 people that morning.
Not necessarily, I was told.

The attack happened on the 25th anniversary of the adoption of Tajikistan’s constitution, one of those anniversaries that former Soviet states like to celebrate, and according to people walking along Rudaki, the main street in Dushanbe, the extra security would have been in place regardless of the alleged attack.

It all seemed rather odd. An alledged IS attack had occurred hours earlier, only an hour’s drive from central Dushanbe and this was the sum total of the extra security precautions?

Details of the attack were also emerging that three fresh questions on its veracity. Of the 17 people killed, 15 were apparently IS fighters. How did a heavily-armed and highly motivated IS unit with the element of surprise apparently lose a firefight so conclusively? Fifteen dead attackers compared to two dead government soldiers.

The government also released a handful of grim photos from what it said was the shoot-out location. Some of the dead bodies shown on the photos had had their hands tied behind their back. Does this mean that Tajik forces had actually captured several of the attackers and then killed them? Was the attack in some way staged?

Previously, the Tajik government has been too eager to press its claims that IS is a major threat to its stability. This line, the government appears to reason, will generate financial support from donors. And the timing for the Nov. 6 attack appears to have been good for the Tajik government as Pres. Emomali Rakhmon was not in the country. Instead, he was glad-handing EU leaders in Europe.

Although IS claimed responsibility, the attack doesn’t really carry its hallmarks. For many, the questions of who and why the attack happened are still out there.

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— This story was first published in issue 428 of the weekly Bulletin.

Belarus refuses to extradite journalist to Tajikistan

NOV. 6 (The Bulletin) — The authorities in Belarus refused an extradition request made by the Tajik government for opposition activist Farhod Odinaev because of potential torture concerns. The Belarussian authorities had arrested Mr Odinaev in September as he travelled from Russia to Poland for a conference. Mr Odinaev had been a member of the now-banned Islamic Renaissance Party of Tajikistan.

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— This story was first published in issue 428 of the weekly Bulletin

DIARY: A Tajik monogorod

NURAFSHON/Tajikistan/Nov. 11 – According to the two elderly men standing outside the gates of the abandoned factory, this used to be a thriving town of 5,000 people. Now it is desolate, a memorial to the Soviet Union’s hubris.

Dilapidated ‘monogorods’, with their abandoned factories, were once a feature of the former Soviet Union. Over the past few years, though, they have become harder to find.

Through its planned economy the Soviet Union built thousands of towns and cities around single factories or mines. When the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991 so did its industry and so did the ‘monogorods’. A reminder of a failed past, many of these ‘monogorods’ have now been spruced up. In Tajikistan, though, on the poor fringe of the former Soviet Union this isn’t the case.

In Nurafshon, a stray dog ambled across the deserted main street and a woman pushed a pram along the cracked pavement. In one shaded corner of the empty square, a group of old men huddled over a chess set.

The midday sun beat down on this treeless mountain plateau near Tajikistan’s border with Uzbekistan. It sparkled, mischievously, off the sign of the long-closed cafe, preserved, almost perfectly, by the dry air.
“All the young men have left,” one of the elderly men said. “They need to find work and there hasn’t been any here since 1992 when the factory closed.”

This factory in Nurafshon used to produce strip lighting, and on an industrial scale. Why this factory here, though, in this remote corner of Moscow’s former hegemony?

The question was greeted with a shrug.

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— This story was first published in issue 428 of the weekly Bulletin.